Bursting the Speech Bubble: Toward a More Fitting Perceived-Affiliation Standard
- Share The University of Chicago Law Review | Bursting the Speech Bubble: Toward a More Fitting Perceived-Affiliation Standard on Facebook
- Share The University of Chicago Law Review | Bursting the Speech Bubble: Toward a More Fitting Perceived-Affiliation Standard on Twitter
- Share The University of Chicago Law Review | Bursting the Speech Bubble: Toward a More Fitting Perceived-Affiliation Standard on Email
- Share The University of Chicago Law Review | Bursting the Speech Bubble: Toward a More Fitting Perceived-Affiliation Standard on LinkedIn
For helpful comments and suggestions, I thank Will Baude, Rachel Bayefsky, Jamie Boyle, Anu Bradford, Kathy Bradley, Brad Clark, Bridget Fahey, Martin Flaherty, Jean Galbraith, Jonathan Gienapp, Jack Goldsmith, Craig Green, Larry Helfer, Todd Henderson, William Hubbard, Aziz Huq, Alison LaCroix, Margaret Lemos, Jonathan Masur, Tim Meyer, John Mikhail, Henry Monaghan, Martha Nussbaum, Eric Posner, Jeff Powell, Richard Primus, Robert Reinstein, Mara Revkin, Shalev Roisman, Neil Siegel, Larry Solum, Matt Waxman, John Witt, Ernie Young; participants in faculty workshops at the University of Chicago Law School, Duke University School of Law, and the University of Virginia School of Law; and participants in the University of Pennsylvania’s Constitutional Law Speaker Series, the Comparative and International Law Workshop at Columbia Law School, the Legal History Forum & Public Law Workshop at Yale Law School, the annual International Law in Domestic Courts workshop, an online constitutional law workshop at the University of Michigan Law School, and a conference at the University of Chicago Law School on “Sovereign Power and the Constitutional Text.” I also want to thank the students in my Autumn 2024 seminar at the University of Chicago Law School for their insights on the topic.
The constitutional text seems to be missing a host of governmental powers that we take for granted. The Supreme Court has suggested the United States automatically acquired powers “equal to the right and power of the other members of the international family”—powers that inhered in the government “as necessary concomitants of nationality.” Although the Curtiss-Wright decision has been heavily criticized, this Article shows that the “concomitants of nationality” idea reflects an important and longstanding feature of U.S. constitutional law: a presumption that the nation acquired the full complement of sovereign powers allocated to nations under international law.
I would like to thank Professor Geoffrey Stone and members of The University of Chicago Law Review including Owen Hoepfner, Jack Brake, Hannah Zobair, Ryan Jain-Liu, Zoë Ewing, Jackson Cole, and others for contributing to the publication of this Comment.
The Free Exercise Clause is a broadly worded constitutional prohibition against government intrusion on religious exercise. To construct limits, courts have consistently required government officials to demonstrate the necessity of state action burdening religion. Yet government officials regularly fail to produce evidence of necessity, leaving judges to intuit or assume whether necessity exists. In this Comment, Brady Earley offers a better way. Using a method known as difference-in-differences (DiD), lawmakers can draw upon the experience of existing state laws to enact laws justified with evidence. The Comment demonstrates the value of DiD with a current free exercise controversy involving the Old Order Amish and their objection to Ohio’s flashing light requirement for buggies. Applying DiD to this conflict reveals that Ohio’s buggy light law led to an estimated 23% reduction in buggy-related crashes compared to Michigan and Kentucky—states with less restrictive buggy requirements. Beyond this case study, the Comment also discusses how DiD can help address recent Supreme Court conflicts over tax exemptions for religious organizations, LGBTQ-themed books in schools, and religious charter schools. These examples grapple with the problems and the showcase the possibilities of a data-driven method to address necessity in free exercise.
Beware dark patterns. The name should be a warning, perhaps alluding to the dark web, the “Dark Lord” Sauron, or another archetypically villainous and dangerous entity. Rightfully included in this nefarious bunch, dark patterns are software interfaces that manipulate users into doing things they would not normally do. Because of these First Amendment complications, the constitutionality of dark pattern restrictions is an unsettled question. To begin constructing an answer, we must look at how dark patterns are regulated today, how companies have begun to challenge the constitutionality of such regulations, and where dark patterns fall in the grand scheme of free speech. Taken together, these steps inform an approach to regulation going forward.