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Volume 92.6
The Splintering of American Public Law
Marco Basile
Assistant Professor, Boston College Law School.

For feedback and suggestions at various stages of this project, I thank David Barron, Mary Sarah Bilder, Nikolas Bowie, Richard Chen, Noah Feldman, Idriss Fofana, Barry Friedman, Jack Goldsmith, Daniel Hulsebosch, Mark Jia, Michael Klarman, Chris Mirasola, and Susannah Barton Tobin. This project also benefitted from workshops with faculty at Boston College Law School, University of Chicago Law School, Cornell Law School, Harvard Law School, Loyola Law School, New York University School of Law, Notre Dame Law School, University of San Diego School of Law, Seattle University School of Law, University of Texas School of Law, University of Southern California Gould School of Law, and Washington University School of Law. I am also grateful to Emma Svoboda and Elaine Tsui for research assistance and to the members of the University of Chicago Law Review for their hard work editing the manuscript.

This Article by Marco Basile argues that U.S. constitutional law and international law diverged after the Civil War when courts came to apply them differently against the state as the United States consolidated a continental nation-state. On one hand, the Supreme Court came to assert authority over constitutional law more aggressively in the context of gutting Reconstruction in the South. At the same time, the Court stepped back from international law in deference to Congress as the United States conquered territories and peoples in the West. The simultaneous rise of judicial supremacy as to constitutional law and of judicial deference as to international law recast constitutional law as more “legal” than political and international law as more “political” than legal. By recovering the earlier understanding of public law, this Article challenges how we construct constitutional traditions from the past. The Article ultimately invites us to reimagine a more integrated public law today.

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Volume 92.6
Disclosure Puzzles in Patent Law
Jonathan S. Masur
John P. Wilson Professor of Law, The University of Chicago Law School.

For helpful comments, thanks to Sarah Burstein, Bernard Chao, Kevin Collins, Laura Dolbow, Tabrez Ebrahim, Jeanne Fromer, Jordi Goodman, Paul Gugliuzza, Tim Holbrook, Mark Lemley, Oskar Liivak, Mike Meurer, Andrew Michaels, Lidiya Mishchenko, Nicholson Price, Arti Rai, Jason Rantanen, Jason Reinecke, Michael Risch, Andres Sawicki, Jake Sherkow, and participants at the Intellectual Property Scholars Conference and the Works-in-Progress Intellectual Property Colloquium. We thank Victoria Fang, Josh Leopold, Joseph Robinson, and Marissa Uri for excellent research assistance. Masur thanks the David and Celia Hilliard Fund and the Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz Program in Behavioral Law, Finance and Economics for support.

Lisa Larrimore Ouellette
Deane F. Johnson Professor of Law, Stanford Law School.

For helpful comments, thanks to Sarah Burstein, Bernard Chao, Kevin Collins, Laura Dolbow, Tabrez Ebrahim, Jeanne Fromer, Jordi Goodman, Paul Gugliuzza, Tim Holbrook, Mark Lemley, Oskar Liivak, Mike Meurer, Andrew Michaels, Lidiya Mishchenko, Nicholson Price, Arti Rai, Jason Rantanen, Jason Reinecke, Michael Risch, Andres Sawicki, Jake Sherkow, and participants at the Intellectual Property Scholars Conference and the Works-in-Progress Intellectual Property Colloquium. We thank Victoria Fang, Josh Leopold, Joseph Robinson, and Marissa Uri for excellent research assistance.

Since its inception, patent law has required that inventors publicly disclose information about their inventions in exchange for receiving patent rights. This foundational requirement is policed through multiple doctrines: patents fail “enablement” if “undue experimentation” is needed to practice the invention, and they lack adequate “written description” when they fail to establish the inventor’s “possession” of the invention. Despite disclosure doctrines’ centrality, fundamental puzzles about their application remain unresolved. In Amgen v. Sanofi , the Supreme Court recently took up one such puzzle: Must a patent enable the full scope of the claim or merely some number of working examples? But the Court failed to address long-standing puzzles surrounding this issue. In this Article, Jonathan S. Masur and Lisa Larrimore Ouellette tackle these questions and more. The Article attempts to bring conceptual order to the disclosure doctrines, reconciling them with one another and with the broader animating principles of patent law. These puzzles must be solved if patent law is to fulfill its promises; if they are not, the resulting doctrinal gaps will expose the patent system to strategic behavior by nefarious noninventors—including those aided by new generative artificial intelligence tools—who learn how to acquire the patent quo without paying their quid.

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Volume 92.6
Compassionate Causation in the Domestic Violence Survivors Justice Act
Zoë Lewis Ewing
B.A. 2021, Columbia University; J.D. Candidate 2026, The University of Chicago Law School.

I would like to thank Jenna Liu, Jack Brake, Alex Moreno, Miranda Coombe, and the rest of The University of Chicago Law Review editors and staff for their thoughtful feedback. I would also like to thank the attorneys in the DVSJA Practice at Appellate Advocates for introducing me to this area of law and advocating tirelessly for incarcerated survivors.

In this Comment, Zoë Lewis Ewing evaluates the implementation of the Domestic Violence Survivors Justice Act (DVSJA), a New York law passed in 2019 to provide shortened sentencing ranges for domestic violence survivors convicted of crimes. It identifies an inconsistency in sentencing courts’ application of the law’s causation standard, which requires that a petitioner’s experience of domestic violence be a “significant contributing factor” to their criminal conduct. Some courts interpret the prong narrowly, while others apply a broad causation standard. This Comment argues that courts should opt for the latter approach and consider causation in the DVSJA satisfied if domestic violence was “sufficiently significant to have likely helped bring about the criminal conduct.”

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Volume 92.6
In Search of a Judicial Taking
Coby Goldberg
B.A. 2020, Princeton University; J.D. Candidate 2026, The University of Chicago Law School.

I would like to thank Professors Saul Levmore and Lior Strahilevitz for their thoughtful advice and insight and the editors and staff of The University of Chicago Law Review for their valuable feedback and edits.

In Stop the Beach Renourishment v. Florida Department of Environmental Protection, a plurality of the Supreme Court held that the Takings Clause applies to the judiciary as it does to any government actor. In the more than fifteen years since, none of the sixty courts to consider judicial takings claims have found a judicial taking. In this Comment, Coby Goldberg provides the only comprehensive analysis of the judicial takings caselaw since Stop the Beach, in order to determine why no court has found a judicial taking. Based on this analysis of the caselaw, this Comment suggests that finding a judicial taking is all but impossible. That conclusion does not mean that judicial takings doctrine has had no influence on property jurisprudence in the years since Stop the Beach, however. This Comment identifies three cases in which state courts have used the possibility of judicial takings as reasons not to make decisions that undercut property rights. In those cases, judicial takings doctrine is functioning as something akin to a canon of constitutional avoidance. If decided the other way, none of those three decisions would have avoided actions that would have amounted to judicial takings. This Comment thus concludes that judicial takings doctrine leads to worse outcomes in property law, and so, out of a concern for constitutional problems that never arise, courts reject decisions they would otherwise adopt.

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Volume 92.6
Necessary Developments: Calibrating the Fair Housing Act’s Reasonable Accommodation Provision
Ben Griswold
A.B. 2018, Harvard College; J.D. Candidate 2026, The University of Chicago Law School.

The Fair Housing Act (FHA) makes it unlawful to deny people with disabilities “reasonable accommodations.” But courts have long split over how to interpret this provision. At the center of the divide is the statutory requirement that an accommodation be “necessary to afford . . . equal opportunity to use and enjoy a dwelling.” Some courts interpret this language to impose a strict-necessity standard, requiring that an accommodation be truly indispensable. Other circuits instead read the statute as imposing a lenient-necessity standard, requiring only that the requested accommodation ameliorate the plaintiff’s disability. Rather than pick one interpretation, this Comment suggests that courts should tailor the necessity standard they employ to the type of case that is brought. Analyzing the text of the statute, Ben Griswold argues that the term “use and enjoy” invokes common law property ideas that should inform the interpretation of the reasonable accommodation provision. This textual analysis indicates that courts should apply a lenient-necessity requirement to cases brought by housing occupants requesting a specific accommodation, but should apply a strict-necessity requirement in cases brought by developers seeking zoning variances. Further, this interpretation addresses important information asymmetries, enabling courts to more optimally select for societally beneficial accommodations.

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Volume 92.5
Constitutional Rights as Protected Reasons
Stephanie Hall Barclay
Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center and Faculty Co-Director of the Georgetown Center for the Constitution.

For very helpful comments, conversations, and encouragement on this draft and earlier versions of this project, the author thanks Joel Alicea, Howard Anglin, Kristina Arriaga, Randy Barnett, William Baude, Rachel Bayefsky, Joseph Blocher, Samuel Bray, Christian Burset, Jud Campbell, Louis Capozzi, Piero Ríos Carrillo, Conor Casey, Nathan Chapman, Aimee Clesi, Nicholas Cole, Steve Collis, Caroline Mala Corbin, Katherine Mims Crocker, Marc DeGirolami, Michelle Dempsey, Alma Diamond, Hasan Dindjer, Richard Ekins, Timothy Endicott, David Enoch, Bridget Fahey, Richard Fallon, John Finnis, Frederick Gedicks, Nazila Ghanea, Sherif Girgis, Raphaël Grenier-Benoit, Simona Grossi, Jeremy Gunn, John Harrison, Michael Helfand, Richard Helmholz, Don Herzog, Steven Heyman, Kristin Hickman, Jessie Hill, Heidi Hurd, Michael Kang, Paul Kerry, Andrew Koppelman, Konrad Ksiazek, Genevieve Lakier, Lia Lawton, Douglas Laycock, Robert Leider, Tyler Lindley, Christopher Lund, Elinor Mason, Michael McConnell, Stefan McDaniel, Bradley Miller, Darrell Miller, Paul Miller, Robert Miller, Christina Mulligan, Jim Oleske, Filipa Paes, James Phillips, Richard Pildes, Jeffrey Pojanowski, Zachary Price, Haley Proctor, Eric Rassbach, Richard M. Re, Bradley Rebeiro, Veronica Rodriguez-Blanco, Zalman Rothschild, Angelo Ryu, Stephen Sachs, Josep Tirapu Sanuy, Micah Schwartzman, Amanda Shanor, Reva Siegel, Geoffrey Sigalet, Lawrence Solum, Anna Stelle, John Stinneford, Mark Storslee, Michael David Thomas, Rebecca Tushnet, Francisco Urbina, Pía Chible Villadangos, Eugene Volokh, Derek Webb, Grégoire Webber, Lael Weinberger, Andrew Willinger, John Witte, Kara Woodbury-Smith, Ilan Wurman, Paul Yowell, Mary Ziegler, the participants at the Women in Legal Philosophy Conference at Villanova Law School, the First Annual UChicago Constitutional Law Conference, the Oxford Public Law Discussion Group, the Oxford University Bonavero Institute of Human Rights Works-in-Progress session, Federalist Society Junior Scholar Panel at Association of American Law Schools, the Salmon P. Chase Colloquium, the Georgetown Law School Works-in-Progress session, the Minnesota Law School Works-in-Progress session, the Pepperdine Law School Nootbaar Fellows workshop, the Northwestern Law School Works-in-Progress session, the Northwestern Law School Public Law Colloquium, and the Stanford Law School Constitution Center Works-in-Progress workshop. For excellent research assistance, the author thanks Nat Deacon, Chris Ostertag, Jacob Feiser, Mathias Valenta, Anneliese Ostrom, and Athanasius Sirilla.

Professor Stephanie Hall Barclay proposes and defends a new theoretical model of constitutional rights. While virtually all the prevailing theories about constitutional rights envision, at some level, judges balancing the importance of various individual rights against the importance of other societal goods in tension with those rights and generally hold out the judiciary as the primary guardian of these rights, this Article explains why the existing accounts of constitutional rights are either incoherent or incomplete. It proposes and defends an alternative model that is more consistent with democratic principles and the institutional competencies of the various branches of government.

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Volume 92.5
The Amended Statute
Jesse M. Cross
Professor of Law, Joseph F. Rice School of Law, University of South Carolina.

The author wishes to thank Aaron Galbraith for his outstanding data analysis contributions. The author also wishes to thank William Eskridge, Abbe Gluck, Anita Krishnakumar, Nicholas Parrillo, Josh Chafetz, Alexander Zhang, and all the participants in the Legislation Roundtable at the Georgetown University Law Center, the Legislation Colloquium at the Georgetown University Law Center, and the works in progress workshop at the Joseph F. Rice School of Law.

We live in a republic of amended statutes. In each Congress, our laws are amended tens of thousands of times. Individual statutes make amendments that number in the thousands. As a result, the amended statute has become the central democratic text of our age—a remarkable development for a type of document unknown at the Founding. Yet the amended statute has been relegated to an afterthought in legal theory. This is incredible neglect for an essential source of modern law—one that anchors innumerable rights in U.S. society. In this Article, Jesse M. Cross demonstrates that, instead, the amended statute belongs at the center of public law. To that end, he undertakes three projects with respect to the amended statute: documenting, theorizing, and interpreting.

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Volume 92.5
Eliminating the Malice Requirement for Fourth Amendment Malicious Prosecution Plaintiffs
Sabrina Huang
B.A. 2022, University of California, Los Angeles; J.D. Candidate 2026, The University of Chicago Law School.

I would like to thank Maria Sofia Peña, Joseph Oten, Zoë Ewing, Karan Lala, John Cooper, Chloe Li, Helen Chamberlin, Quinten Rimolde, Jonathan Tao, Luke Henkel, Jackson Cole, Robert Dohrman, Hana Ferrero, Miranda Coombe, and all the other wonderful editors and staff of The University of Chicago Law Review for their insightful feedback and careful editing. I would also like to thank my family for their unconditional support.

In this Comment, Sabrina Huang argues that courts should eliminate the subjective malice requirement for Fourth Amendment malicious prosecution claims. She draws on other constitutional torts that arise during encounters with actors in the criminal justice system to show that a plaintiff-friendly objective standard is more appropriate than a subjective standard. If courts are unwilling to eliminate the malice requirement, the Comment proposes an alternative to the requirement: a burden-shifting test. The intended effects of both proposals are to expand relief to more litigants across jurisdictions, harmonize Fourth Amendment jurisprudence, and deter police and prosecutorial misconduct.

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Volume 92.5
On FRAND-ly Terms: Examining the Role of Juries in Standard-Essential Patent Disputes
Marta Krason
B.S., Massachusetts Institute of Technology; M.S., Stanford University; J.D. Candidate 2026, The University of Chicago Law School.

I would like to thank Professor Jonathan Masur and the editors and staff of The University of Chicago Law Review, including Andy Wang, Zoë Ewing, Jonah Klausner, Karan Lala, Eric Haupt, Eugene DeCosse, and Helen Chamberlin, for their thoughtful advice and insights.

Holders of patents covering technology standards, known as standard-essential patents (SEP), control the rights to an invention with no commercially-viable alternative or that cannot be designed around while still complying with a standard. This gives SEP holders significant leverage in licensing negotiations. Standards development organizations (SDOs) play an important role in curbing opportunistic behavior by patent holders. SDOs require SEP holders to license their patents on fair, reasonable, and non-discriminatory (FRAND) terms. However, courts have mischaracterized FRAND commitments, concluding that these disputes carry a Seventh Amendment guarantee to a jury trial. This mischaracterization undermines the fair resolution of FRAND disputes, and a different approach is necessary. In this Comment, Marta Krason proposes an alternative analytical framework that more accurately characterizes FRAND disputes by drawing on principles from contract and property law, concluding that the constitutionally proper adjudicator is a judge, not a jury.

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Volume 92.5
Leveraging the Federal Trust Responsibility to Safeguard Net Neutrality on Tribal Lands
Morgan O. Schaack
B.A. 2023, University of California, Los Angeles; J.D. Candidate 2026, The University of Chicago Law School.

I would like to thank Professor Sarah Konsky and the editors and staff of The University of Chicago Law Review for their invaluable input.

The internet plays a crucial role in modern life; however, equal access to it is not guaranteed. Drawing on existing tribal spectrum sovereignty arguments, Morgan Schaack writes that the control exercised by the FCC’s licensing of the electromagnetic spectrum and language common in many tribal treaties create a tribal access right to spectrum under the trust responsibility. Framing this access to spectrum as a trust-protected resource, the Comment situates allowing tiered internet service in the absence of net neutrality as a violation of the government's obligations under the trust responsibility.

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Volume 92.4
Contract or Prison
S.R. Blanchard

For helpful comments, I am grateful to participants in the Contracts Section Works-in-Progress Panel at the 2023 AALS Annual Meeting; faculty workshops at George Mason Scalia Law School, Indiana University McKinney Law School, Notre Dame Law School, the University of Florida Law School, the University of Texas Law School, Vanderbilt Law School, and Washington University Law School; the Legal Scholarship Workshop at the University of Chicago; the Workshop on Law, Economics, and Justice at the University of Lucerne; CrimFest; the Decarceration Law Conference; the Junior Business Law Scholars Conference; Markelloquium; and to Ian Ayres, Lisa Bernstein, Sam Bray, Christian Burset, Eric Fish, Rick Garnett, Sherif Girgis, Nadelle Grossman, Daniel Markovits, Jide Nzelibe, J. Mark Ramseyer, Christopher Slobogin, Avishalom Tor, Francisco Urbina, and Julian Velasco. Noah Austin, Zack Beculheimer, Gwendolyn Loop, Savannah Shoffner, Tri Truong, and Steven Tu provided excellent research assistance. Any errors are mine.

Critics of the criminal enforcement system have condemned the expansion and privatization of electronic monitoring, criminal diversion, parole, and probation. But the astonishing perversion of contract involved in these new practices has gone unnoticed. Though incarceration-alternative (IA) contracting is sometimes framed as humane, historical and current context illuminates its coercive nature. IA contracting must be examined under classical contract theory and in light of the history of economic exploitation using criminal enforcement power harnessed to contract, including in the racial peonage system under Jim Crow. This Article documents this systematic underregulation through the first empirical study of legal regimes for IA contracts. To the extent that the theoretical limits of contract are not presently reflected in the common law of contract, regulatory reforms that better regulate seller and government practices might reduce the risk of exploitation.

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Volume 92.4
Looking for the Public in Public Law
Nikhil Menezes
Ph.D. Candidate (Politics), Princeton University.

For helpful comments on earlier drafts, we thank Nick Bagley, Chuck Beitz, Jessica Bulman-Pozen, Josh Chafetz, Adam Davidson, Liz Emens, Bridget Fahey, Lee Fennell, Jon Gould, Aziz Huq, Jeremy Kessler, Genevieve Lakier, Daryl Levinson, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, Sam Moyn, Jan-Werner Müller, Rick Pildes, Jed Purdy, Max Ridge, and Tim Wu, as well as workshop participants at the University of Chicago Law School and Columbia Law School. For excellent research assistance, we thank Abigail George.

David E. Pozen
Charles Keller Beekman Professor of Law, Columbia Law School.

For helpful comments on earlier drafts, we thank Nick Bagley, Chuck Beitz, Jessica Bulman-Pozen, Josh Chafetz, Adam Davidson, Liz Emens, Bridget Fahey, Lee Fennell, Jon Gould, Aziz Huq, Jeremy Kessler, Genevieve Lakier, Daryl Levinson, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, Sam Moyn, Jan-Werner Müller, Rick Pildes, Jed Purdy, Max Ridge, and Tim Wu, as well as workshop participants at the University of Chicago Law School and Columbia Law School. For excellent research assistance, we thank Abigail George.

The “public” is everywhere and nowhere in contemporary public law. Everywhere, in that the term is constantly invoked to justify and explain existing arrangements. Nowhere, in that serious attempts to identify a relevant public and elicit its input are few and far between. Scholars and officials depict the American public as playing myriad roles in governance—checking, guiding, approving, repudiating—without offering an account of how public preferences are formed or how they exercise influence on the questions of interest. This Article seeks to identify and call attention to the foundational dilemmas underlying this disconnect, to clarify their normative contours and intellectual history, and to propose a pragmatic response—grounded in the recovery of the public’s role as an author and not just a monitor of public law.